Article page checkbox is not checked in page info.
Understanding the 2026 United States midterm elections: Contested seats, voter concerns and possible changes in Congress
Understanding the 2026 United States midterm elections Contested seats, voter concerns and possible changes in Congress
Angelos Delivorias, Members' Research Service, and Nera Kuljanic, European Parliament Liaison Office in Washington DC
Summary
On 3 November 2026, Americans will elect all 435 voting members of the House of Representatives and 35 senators (out of 100), who together will make up the 120th United States (US) Congress. Taking place two years after presidential elections, midterm elections typically serve as a national test of voter opinion and usually go against the president's party. Forecasters currently favour a Democratic House, while the Senate has become competitive.
Meanwhile, the mid-decade redistricting and the Supreme Court's Louisiana decision have reshaped the electoral map. Cost of living, inflation, housing, healthcare, jobs, and data centres are key issues of concern for the public, which will subsequently affect voters' choices at the ballot. Money in politics is also getting attention. The amounts spent on campaigns in federal elections has doubled in the last 20 years, and the rules are changing, too: in June 2026, the Supreme Court struck down federal limits on coordinated political spending, meaning that political parties can work directly with candidates on strategy, messaging, and advertising, without expenditure limits.
While typically voter turnout is lower in midterms than in presidential elections, this year's midterms are attracting both domestic and international attention. Indeed, the change in policies in the US since 2025 was to a great extent possible because Republicans had control of both chambers of Congress. If Democrats gain control of either chamber in the midterms, they would control committee agendas and legislative processes. Congress may also hold oversight hearings, and a Democratic-controlled Senate could block nominations to key executive functions. At the same time, President Donald Trump keeps the veto power and could continue to rely on executive orders, which are subject to judicial review and could be overturned by future presidents.
Introduction
United States (US) citizens vote for president and vice president every four years. The four-year period during which US presidents hold office is called 'term'. A 'midterm' election is an election that takes place halfway through the presidential term, that is, two years after the presidential elections. They happen across all states, and they are for offices other than that of the president or vice president – all seats of the House of Representatives and one-third of Senate seats.
The elections take place in two rounds. First, voters choose a party's nominee for the general election in primaries that take place over several months, with each state setting its own rules and dates under state law. Types of primaries vary not only between states but also within a state. Three main types of primaries are:
-
closed primaries, in which only registered party members are allowed to vote;
-
semi-closed primaries, where registered party members and unaffiliated voters are allowed to vote;
-
open primaries, where all voters are allowed to vote.
The second round is the general election. Following the Election Act of 1845, the midterm general election is held on the same day across all states in November. General elections for federal offices – president, vice president, and members of the US Congress – are held on the Tuesday after the first Monday in November in even-numbered years. In 2026, it will be held on Tuesday, 3 November.
The US electoral system uses a plurality rule (highest number of votes cast) to designate the winner in most states (41). In some of these states, top two (California, Washington) or top four (Alaska) vote-getters advance to the general election, regardless of their party affiliations. Nine states (e.g. Alabama, Georgia, Maine, Texas) require majority (50 %+1 vote); if no candidate receives that percentage of votes, a run-off election between the top two candidates determines the winner.
Contested seats
In the 2026 midterm elections, all 435 voting seats in the House of Representatives are up for election. Republicans currently hold a narrow 219-214 majority (including one independent member who caucuses with Republicans), with two vacancies. Unlike senators and governors, House representatives are elected for two-year terms. For 71 of the 435 seats, the incumbent is not running for re-election. Recent mid-decade redistricting efforts have further reinforced safe political boundaries: as of September 2026, only about 10 % of the seats are projected to be competitive in the forthcoming midterms, with 22 true toss-ups – races so close that either party could win – and an additional 21 districts leaning towards one party, according to the non-partisan Cook Political Report. Out of 46 districts identified as battleground races in 2026 by Ballotpedia, 25 seats are currently held by Democrats and 21 by Republicans.
In the Senate, the Republicans currently hold a 53-47 majority (the 47 seats include two Independents who caucus with Democrats, i.e. align themselves with the Democratic caucus for voting and committee work; therefore, the Democrats need a net gain of four seats to reach the 51 total seats allowing them to command a majority. At the November midterms, only 33 out of 100 seats, plus two special elections (so 35 in total), are being contested, since senators are elected for six-year terms and one third of the Senate seats is elected every two years. Republicans enter the midterms defending 22 seats (20 regular and two special election seats – one in Florida to fill the remaining two years of the term vacated by Secretary of State Marco Rubio, and one in Ohio to complete the term won in 2022 by JD Vance, who resigned in 2025 to become US vice president), whereas Democrats are defending 13 seats in the Senate. According to nonpartisan trackers, at the time of writing, with 14 out of 22 Republican seats considered completely safe, Democrats' best chance to win a majority is in competitive battlegrounds such as Alaska, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Michigan, New Hampshire, North Carolina, Ohio, and Texas.
Generic congressional ballot polls point to a change in party control in Congress after the 2026 midterm elections, with Democrats leading by 5 to 13 points as of September. Polls and betting markets have also been indicating a chance that Democrats could regain the Senate majority in November. However, in the Senate, unlike in the House, 60 votes are generally needed to pass legislation, except for certain categories of legislation that may pass with a simple majority. This makes bipartisan negotiating necessary and much more common regardless of which party holds the majority.
Congress is expected to welcome at least 99 new members when it convenes in January 2027, given the 83 representatives and senators who have announced they are not seeking re-election in 2026, and the 16 members who resigned or passed away during the current Congress. In comparison, the 119th Congress welcomed 74 new members in 2025.
The 3 November date will also see 39 gubernatorial elections, with 18 incumbent governors running for re-election and 21 either term-limited or not seeking re-election. The results of gubernatorial elections sometimes contradict those of national elections: for example, Kansas has two Republican senators but a Democratic governor, while Georgia has two Democratic senators and a Republican governor. In addition to their state-level policy responsibilities and other executive roles, in many states, governors can be a major force when it comes to redistricting efforts, for example due to their veto powers over districts drawn by their states' legislatures. In this sense, the results of the 2026 gubernatorial elections will affect the 2028 congressional elections.
Redistricting
While each state is represented by two senators, each of the 435 members of the House of Representatives represents an electoral district, whose boundaries can typically be redrawn every 10 years based on demographic changes as reflected in the US census data. Districts are commonly drawn respecting the criteria of contiguity (all parts of a district are physically connected), compactness (reasonably shaped districts), and keeping together communities with shared social, cultural, racial, economic, or other attributes. While redistricting is a state process, it is governed by the US Constitution, federal law, and judicial precedent. Redistricting can exceptionally occur mid-decade, when courts invalidate existing maps for violating the US Constitution or specific legislation, or – as explained below – when states redraw maps voluntarily. When district boundaries are adapted to reduce competitiveness, create 'safe seats' or otherwise favour a political party, this is called gerrymandering. On 29 April 2026, in its Louisiana v. Callais ruling, the Supreme Court struck down, with a 6-3 decision, Louisiana's congressional map, effectively invalidating one of Louisiana's two majority-Black districts, out of a total of six. Specifically, while ruling the map an unconstitutional racial gerrymander, the Court narrowed the application of a specific provision of the Voting Rights Act by requiring proof that intentional race-based districting is required to satisfy constitutional standards.
Retaining control of the House after the 2026 midterms is naturally a priority for the Republican Party and President Donald Trump. Consequently, they have undertaken an unprecedented mid-cycle redistricting effort in states such as Alabama, Florida, North Carolina, Ohio, Tennessee, Texas, and the above-mentioned Louisiana, to protect the narrow Republican majority. Democrats have followed suit with their own initiative in California. Overall, with altered House maps in several states, 10 % of Americans will vote in a different district than in the 2024 elections.
Voter preoccupations
While the result of each election will depend on the candidates and their policy choices, experts have identified several horizontal issues that will also likely influence the midterms. They note that the president's party almost always loses ground in midterm House elections, as has happened in 20 of the past 22 midterm elections stretching back to 1938. Both exceptions (1998 with President Clinton's impeachment and 2002, following the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks) reflected unusual circumstances. In addition, they note that a president's job approval has a strong impact on the outcome of midterm House elections. Indeed, past elections have shown that the higher a president's job approval, the lower the losses that his party will experience. In mid-September, President Trump's approval numbers stood at 39 %, reflecting voter preoccupations. At the same time, a Gallup poll from September found that 16 % of Americans approve and 79 % disapprove of the job performance of the members of Congress on both sides of the aisle. After an exceptional Republican midterms convention, as the 3 November elections draw near, an increasing number of Republicans publicly break with the President over high gasoline prices, immigration issues and the Iran war. At the same time, the President is seen actively campaigning, in particular in red, i.e. traditionally Republican-leaning, states, showing his support for the Republican candidates.
An Economist article ranked voter preoccupations in order of importance, and segmented according to voters' political orientation. For example, taxes and government spending (9 % versus 3 %), as well as immigration (16 % versus 2 %), are key issues for Republicans, while Democrats consider climate change (9 % versus 1 %) and healthcare (13 % versus 6 %) more important. Other issues, however, are shared among voters independently of their orientation on the political spectrum. These are inflation (32 % of Republicans and 30 % of Democrats); and jobs and the economy (14 % of Democrats and 13 % of Republicans).
The economy
Experts note that, in 2025, despite the stock exchanges reaching new heights – in great part due to the artificial intelligence (AI) revolution – the US economy grew no faster than it did under the Biden administration (around 2 %), and the International Monetary Fund projects real gross domestic product should grow modestly in 2026 (2.3 %). Meanwhile, manufacturing employment kept declining. US consumer price inflation is currently at 3.4 %, higher than the Federal Reserve's 2 % target.
Furthermore, the external trade deficit in 2025 (US$901.5 billion) was broadly at the same levels as in previous years (US$903.5 billion in 2024, US$784.9 billion in 2023, and US$951.2 billion in 2022), despite the several waves of tariffs following 'Liberation Day'. Commentators note that this picture results from several factors. The first one is that the administration pursued aggressive import tariffs in a chaotic manner. This created economic policy uncertainty and led to stagnating investment (except in the AI sector) and higher inflation. Another is the passage of the unfunded tax cuts under the One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBBA) which could add around US$3.4 trillion to the budget deficit over the next decade – and the picture could become even bleaker with the proposed US$1.5 trillion increases in defence spending, all while commentators noted that the US debt passed US$40 trillion.
Other experts point to the war with Iran and the resulting closure of the strait of Hormuz. While this increased US oil and gas exports (and, by extension, the revenues of oil and gas companies), it contributed to a rise in oil and fertiliser prices;this, along with low commodity prices and rising production costs, could lead to US$31 billion in losses for major crop farmers in 2026 and another US$32 billion in losses in 2027.
Inflation and affordability
A central topic in these elections is 'affordability' (or the overall cost of living), which has consistently topped Americans' preoccupations since the COVID-19 pandemic. Experts describe this general term as encompassing four separate facts: (i) prices are much higher than in early 2020s, and price increases remain well above the Fed's target of 2 %; (ii) higher interest rates have made repaying mortgages, loans, and credit cards more difficult; (iii) inflation remains above target, and certain policies from the current administration (e.g. tariffs, or the pressure on the Fed) make people worried that inflation could resurge; and (iv) the wage growths of the past five years have been mostly offset by price increases in certain sectors (housing, childcare, healthcare). These price increases in turn are due to supply constraints and structural features of the markets.
While wages rose by 119 % between 1999 and 2024, workers' contributions to family healthcare insurance premiums surged by almost three times this amount, and the situation worsened for millions of Americans following the expiration at the end of 2025 of the premium tax credits. The increase has accelerated even further since the pandemic began. This reflects in a recent survey, according to which 32 % of respondents were 'very worried' about healthcare costs, compared with 24 % for food and groceries, and 23 % for rent or mortgage payments. While healthcare costs have been rising consistently since the year 2000, housing prices have increased significantly since the pandemic: since early 2020, the cost of median-priced housing in the US has risen from US$317 000 to US$405 000 (28 %), and mortgage interest rates have almost doubled, from 3.45 % to 6.11 %. This has led to the majority of homes being beyond the reach of families in the middle of the income distribution – they can afford houses that cost about US$330 000, but this is 20 % below the sales price of the median home. It has also moved the median age for first home purchase from 30 years of age to 40, leaving young adults and young families stuck in apartments that are too small, or too far away from their workplaces. A similar trend since the pandemic can be observed with overall grocery prices, with a cumulative increase of about 31 %, while some high-profile items have increased even more. Given that energy crises have wider repercussions, there is also the fear that the energy price increases due to the war in Iran will further drive up grocery prices. Other cost increases that are important for consumers are the ones in child care (with an average cost increase of 29 % between 2020 and 2024), cars (32 % rise since 2020) and utilities (41 % rise since COVID‑19).
Artificial intelligence and data centres
Another issue of importance for the midterms is the expansion of data centres (currently 4 700 built, another 2 000 planned) – the infrastructure necessary to process AI. The construction boom has recently become a political issue, following public backlash associated with concerns over property rights and environmental impacts (water consumption, land degradation) and increasing electricity bills, particularly at the local level. Indeed, data centres that run AI use large amounts of water and powerful, energy-intensive computing chips, and could lead to a rise in electricity bills, although the potential impact varies according to experts. These concerns reflect the 'techlash' – fears of job loss to AI, and the current view that AI primarily benefits tech billionaires, while increasing existing income inequality.
Other salient issues
Financing of political campaigns
On 30 June 2026, in National Republican Senatorial Committee v. Federal Election Commission, the Supreme Court struck down, by a 6-3 vote, federal limits on the amount of money that political parties can spend in coordination with a candidate for office, holding that those caps violated the First Amendment.1
Before the ruling, political parties could donate directly to candidates and spend independently to support a candidate, while federal law limited how much they could spend in direct coordination with a candidate's campaign. In the 2026 elections, those caps ranged between US$130 600 and US$4.07 million for a Senate nominee, and between US$65 300 and US$130 600 for a House nominee (depending on the election contest). The decision means that political parties can contribute unlimited amounts in coordination with candidates, meaning they can work directly with campaigns on strategy, messaging, and advertising, without expenditure limits. Commentators note that the ruling should allow Republicans to capitalise on their fundraising advantage over the Democrats (in April 2026, three major Republican committees had US$251 million in cash and no debt, compared with US$125 million and US$17 million in debt in the case of their Democratic counterparts).
This brought renewed attention to the US election campaigns' financial side. While factors such as competitiveness of an election contest, candidate profile, and issues at stake all affect funds raised and spent for different contests, in the 2024 election cycle for the presidency, House, and Senate, slightly over half of the US$15 billion campaign expenditures went towards media, which includes advertisements. Nevertheless, the money spent on campaigning in federal elections has doubled in the past 20 years. The 2025-2026 election-cycle fundraising and spending figures provide broader context for how money is distributed across federal candidates, political parties, and other actors.
Overall, the structure of US campaign finance is shaped by rules on who can contribute, how much they can give, and whether spending is coordinated with candidates or conducted independently. Funding can come from individuals, political parties, political action committees, and other eligible groups, respecting the above-mentioned contribution limits outlined by the Federal Election Commission. While corporations, unions, not-for-profit organisations, and foreign companies are barred from direct contributions, they can participate indirectly through political action committees (PACs), which represent specific interests and raise funds to support candidates or parties. 'Super PACs ' can raise and spend unlimited money but cannot directly donate to or coordinate with candidates. Traditional PACs can donate directly to candidates, yet their fundraising and contributions are limited. Some groups can spend money on campaigns without following the same disclosure rules or contribution limits as traditional political groups. They are often tax-exempt non-profits, such as think tanks, charitable and social welfare organisations, labour unions, and business associations, which are not legally required to publicly disclose their donors. At least US$1 billion raised in the 2026 midterms is reportedly coming from such groups.
Election integrity
The 'Safeguard American Voter Eligibility' Act, also called the SAVE Act, was introduced in the House by Representative Chip Roy (R-Texas) and in the Senate by Senator Mike Lee (R-Utah), with strong backing by President Trump. Both Congressmen have described the bill's primary purpose as ensuring election integrity and preventing non-citizen voting. The initiative has raised criticism especially among Democrats. As commentators note, this is already the case (non-citizen voting has been a federal crime for 30 years, and the percentage of non-citizens voting is negligible). The bill would oblige voters to register in person at election offices every time they update their registration – including after moving or changing their name. Currently, only 6 % of voters register in person, while most register online or by mail. Moreover, the bill would set as qualifying documents for registration a valid US passport or passport card, a certified birth certificate paired with a photo identification, a naturalisation certificate, or a Consular Report of Birth Abroad. Given that these documents cost money to issue, experts have raised concerns that the bill may violate the US Constitution's 24th Amendment, which prohibits any fee as a condition of voting in federal elections. Others focus on the sheer numbers of Americans that would bear the burden of the bill, i.e. married women (changed legal name), rural citizens living far from election offices, young and first-time voters, people of colour, as well as US citizens living abroad and members of the military stationed overseas. Furthermore, experts note that, when Kansas implemented a proof of citizenship requirement for voter registration at state level, it blocked around 31 000 eligible US citizens from registering. The bill has passed the House but, to date, not the Senate.
Ending mail-in voting has been another priority for President Trump. Currently, 36 states and the District of Columbia either allow no-excuse mail voting – allowing any voter to request and cast an absentee (mail) ballot, with no excuse or reason necessary – or conduct their elections entirely by mail. On 29 June 2026, in Watson v. Republican National Committee, the Supreme Court ruled 5-4 to uphold a Mississippi law allowing postmarked mail-in ballots to be counted up to five days after Election Day. The Republican National Committee argued that federal laws require ballots to be received by Election Day. The ruling is important for election administration across the country, particularly in states that allow post-Election Day receipt of mail-in ballots, and for the consistency of federal electoral rules. Commentators note that lateness is the second most frequent reason (around 18 %) mail ballots get rejected, after incomplete/missing signature. They also note that, while voting by mail is also common among rural and older Republican voters, it is generally used more by Democrats (37 % compared with 24 % in the 2024 election, and an even wider gap in 2020).
In March 2026, President Trump issued an executive order directing federal agencies to take a series of steps on mail‑in voting. Specifically, the US Postal Service was directed to restrict which mail-in ballots it would deliver, based on voter lists that states would submit, with the stated aim of preventing fraud by non-citizens. Several states and voting-rights organisations argued that the President does not have constitutional authority to set election procedures this way, and filed lawsuits to stop it. Lower federal courts agreed, and blocked the rule from taking effect. On 14 September 2026, in US Postal Service v. California, the Supreme Court declined, by a 7-2 vote, to lift that block, meaning the rule will not be enforced for the 2026 midterm elections, and the Postal Service will continue delivering mail ballots under the existing rules.
Powers of Congress
Each chamber is vested with significant powers that also affect the executive and judicial branches. The most visible power is legislation. Each term, Congress adopts hundreds of bills (legislation) and resolutions from the roughly 17 000 introduced by members, on average. Through these laws, Congress can also override certain presidential directives.2
A key power vested with Congress is nomination. Specifically, the president nominates and – following the consent of the Senate – appoints ambassadors; officers in the Foreign Service; federal judges and Supreme Court justices; officers in cabinet-level departments, independent agencies and military services; and US marshals. The consent of the Senate is also asked for the approval of international treaties, although in the last decades, presidents have instead chosen to use 'executive agreements' to enter international agreements without bringing them before the Senate for approval.
Another important and highly visible power of Congress is that to investigate and subpoena (compel) testimony, documents, or other evidence from individuals or entities as part of its investigative and oversight functions. Since the 2000s, Congress has launched major investigations, which include the 9/11 Commission, the 2007‑2009 financial crisis inquiries, and the Select Committee to investigate the January 6th attack on the US Capitol.
The Constitution also provides that the House of Representatives has the power of impeachment, and that the Senate has the power to try impeachments. A two-thirds vote of the Senate is required for a conviction, and the penalty for an impeached official upon conviction is removal from office, without the possibility of appeal.
Lastly, both chambers judge the qualifications of their own members in contested elections, and both can censure or expel their own members in specific cases, although the practice is rare.
Potential outcomes and their implications
If Republicans manage to hold their majorities in Congress, the current direction of domestic and foreign policies is likely to continue, and possibly intensify, at least until campaigning for the 2028 elections heat up.
However, a Democratic majority in one or both chambers of Congress would mean that they could undertake efforts to frustrate administration policies, although experts note that such initiatives could run into structural hurdles. While Democrats could block Republican legislative moves, experts note that, even with majorities in both chambers, Democrats would struggle to drive policy through legislation. This is because the US president still holds veto power, which can only be overcome by a two-thirds majority in each chamber, a number the Democratic Party is unlikely to reach. In addition, the president has broad powers in areas such as control and operation of the federal government, federal agencies, and in foreign affairs, where he can issue executive orders. While these orders can be subject to judicial review and also be overturned by the next president, they could still drive policy in the short term.
Another strategy for the Democratic Party, if it takes the Senate, is to withhold approval for potential future presidential appointments in the federal administration, for instance, or (in case of vacancy) in the Federal Reserve or the Supreme Court.
Any change of control in Congress could also lead to investigations into alleged fraud or corruption of members of the executive, allowing Congress to hold government officials or agency members accountable. According to a September 2026 Gallup poll , 89 % of US adults consider government corruption to be widespread. While investigated officials may invoke executive privilege for certain communications, public hearings and subpoenas can generate negative publicity for the individuals concerned, whatever the outcome of the inquiry.
Lastly, if Democrats secure a majority in both Houses, they could launch a third impeachment procedure against President Trump, although experts note that both investigations and impeachment are procedures that can be costly and time-consuming and still fail to deliver concrete results.
Timeline: From primaries to new Congress
Primary elections ran from 3 March to 15 September 2026. Voter turnout for primaries is consistently lower than in general elections in the US.
Election Day is Tuesday, 3 November 2026. Polls open as early as 6.00 local time on the East Coast, and last polls close at 1.00 Eastern Time. The state of Alaska has the latest closing time in the country, which corresponds to 7.00 Brussels time. While a reasonably clear picture of results is usually known by the morning of the following day, these counts are unofficial and preliminary.
After Election Day, local officials 'canvass' votes and conduct post-election audits to confirm the validity of ballots and accuracy of vote totals. This process typically takes anywhere from several days to a few weeks. After counting, canvassing, and auditing votes cast, state election officials end the process by certifying election results within deadlines ranging from two to five weeks after Election Day. Certification attests that the final election results are complete and accurate.
Meanwhile, Congress is scheduled to be in recess until 9 November, when it will reconvene for a 'lame duck' session. During this time, the House and Senate can still pass legislation, including spending bills, and conduct oversight, while the Senate can confirm ambassadors, and judicial and executive nominees. From its return in November, Congress will focus on passing bills to fund the government from 11 December 2026 onwards, including passing the annual defence funding legislation before the end of the session.
During this transition period, parties will discuss their picks for various Congressional leadership roles, including speaker of the House and majority and minority leaders, party whips, and committee chairs for both the House and Senate. While remaining members of the 119th Congress will continue to occupy their assigned office spaces, a lottery system, as well as members' seniority, are used to assign offices to the new members of the incoming 120th Congress.
A new Congress convenes at 12.00 (midday) on 3 January in the year following elections, as mandated by the 20th Amendment of the US Constitution, unless they decide on another date. The House and Senate of the 120th Congress will convene for the first time that same day. The House elects its speaker by roll-call vote. To win, a candidate needs a majority of the votes cast at the time of the vote (not necessarily the numerical majority of the full House membership). The newly elected speaker then swears in the representatives of the 120th Congress, all of whom were up for election given the House's two-year term. US Vice President JD Vance will remain the president of the Senate. As the presiding officer, he has the sole power to break a tie vote, and formally presides over the receiving and counting of electoral ballots cast in presidential elections. In addition, the president pro tempore presides over the Senate in the absence of the Vice President, or further delegates this role to other senators. Senator Chuck Grassley (R‑Iowa) currently holds this position, although a new president pro tempore will need to be elected in the case of a change in party control of the chamber. The Senate also swears in its newly elected senators, replacing one third of this continuous body, and follows a process for the proceedings of the first day.
Main references
- Adler, W. T., Underhill, W. and Orey, W., What could the Supreme Court's decision in Watson v. RNC mean for mail voting, Bipartisan Policy Center, May 2026, updated 29 June 2026.
- Bomboy, S., Trump mail voting executive order on Supreme Court's radar, Constitution Center, August 2026.
- Curran, C., Election Day: Frequently Asked Questions, Congressional Research Service, November 2024.
- Fedor, L., Mackinnon, A. and Sevastopulo, D., 'Donald Trump revives election meddling claims ahead of midterms', Financial Times, July 2026.
- Fedor, L., Politi, J., Hodgson, I., Stabe, M., Taylor, C. and Xiao, E., 'US midterm elections 2026: the FT's guide', Financial Times, August 2026.
- Galston, W. A., What history tells us about the 2026 midterm elections, Brookings, August 2025.
- Galston, W. A., Why affordability will be a key issue in the 2026 midterm elections, Brookings, March 2026.
- Galston, W. A., GOP midterm prospects darken as Trump approval falls, Brookings, April 2026.
- Galston, W. A., Supreme Court decision alters 2026 midterm election outlook, Brookings, April 2026.
- Galston, W. A., President Trump's support declines sharply in rural America, Brookings, June 2026.
- Grant, T., '2026 U.S. midterm elections', Encyclopaedia Britannica, accessed August 2026.
- Haddock, K. and Roy, D., ICE and Deportations: How Trump Is Reshaping Immigration Enforcement, Council on Foreign Relations, February 2026.
- Howe, A., Justices strike down campaign finance law, ScotusBlog, June 2026.
- Howe, A., The Trump term?, ScotusBlog, July 2026.
- Howe, A., Trump administration urges Supreme Court to issue a decision in mail-in voting dispute, ScotusBlog, August 2026.
- Howe, A., States challenging executive order on mail-in voting ask justices to leave in place limits on its implementation, ScotusBlog, August 2026.
- Kamarck, E., Intraparty tensions shape the 2026 midterm primary landscape, Brookings, May 2026.
- US Senate, Powers and Procedures, last accessed September 2026.
- US Vote Foundation, When Are the 2026 Midterm Elections? And What is Their Purpose?, last accessed August 2026.
- Wolfe, J., 'How the Supreme Court is reshaping the US midterm elections', Reuters, June 2026.
- Yoeli, M., What the US midterms could mean for Trump's power, Chatham House, September 2026.
Endnotes
Statement on the use of AI
Any AI-generated content in this text has been reviewed by the authors.
Disclaimer
This document is prepared for, and addressed to, the Members and staff of the European Parliament as background material to assist them in their parliamentary work. The content of the document is the sole responsibility of its author(s) and any opinions expressed herein should not be taken to represent an official position of the Parliament.
Copyright
© European Union.
The reuse of this document is authorised under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC-BY 4.0) licence.
https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.en
To use or reproduce elements that are not owned by the European Union, permission may need to be sought directly from the respective rightsholders.